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Since Moscow launched its all-out invasion of Ukraine<\/a><\/strong> in February 2022, Kyiv has complained that it is defending itself with one arm tied behind its back in the face of Russia’s full might.<\/p>\n While Western partners like the United States provided billions of dollars<\/a><\/strong> <\/strong>in weapons, Ukraine was prevented from using them to strike deep into Russian territory, where Moscow’s war machine largely sat out of harm’s way.<\/p>\n That all changed on November 19, the 1,000th day of the war, when Moscow claimed Ukraine had fired U.S.-made longer-range missiles<\/a><\/strong> inside its territory, just after the White House reportedly granted Kyiv the green light.<\/p>\n The administration of outgoing U.S. President Joe Biden then announced another reversal to a longstanding policy, saying on November 23 that it would provide Kyiv with antipersonnel mines<\/a><\/strong> to help it blunt advancing Russian forces on Ukrainian territory.<\/p>\n Russia, meanwhile, made changes to its own policies, with President Vladimir Putin signing into law a revised nuclear doctrine that significantly lowers the threshold for his country to use the nuclear option to counter even a conventional attack by an adversary.<\/p>\n Uncomfortable Questions<\/strong><\/big><\/p>\n The successive changes to the battlefield rules, which Moscow had already altered with the recent addition of thousands of North Korean troops<\/a><\/strong> to buttress its own forces in southwestern Russia, now have pundits asking a slew of questions:<\/p>\n Why is this happening now, just two months before U.S. President-elect Donald Trump, who has claimed he can quickly end the war, returns to the White House<\/a><\/strong>?<\/p>\n Are Biden, or Putin — or both — suddenly taking unnecessary and reckless risks?<\/p>\n Can Washington’s decisions save Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy’s “victory plan<\/a><\/strong>,” which called for longer strike capabilities to hit the heart of Russia’s war machine?<\/p>\n And the biggest question, the one that arguably prevented Washington from granting Zelenskiy the permission he sought in the first place: Are we headed for World War III between nuclear superpowers?<\/p>\n Experts are at odds over who might be the bigger risk-taker.<\/p>\n “The current situation offers Putin a significant temptation to escalate,” Tatiana Stanovaya, founder of R.Politik, wrote on X in reference to Russia’s potential to use nukes<\/a><\/strong>. “With Trump not yet in office, such a move would not interfere with any immediate peace initiatives but could instead reinforce Trump’s argument for direct dialogue with Putin.”<\/p>\n Nikolai Sokov, a former Russian diplomat and arms-control negotiator now with the Vienna Center for Disarmament and Nonproliferation, countered on X by saying, “I think, rather, Biden has suddenly displayed [a] big appetite for risk-taking<\/a><\/strong> after 2.5 years of being risk-averse.”<\/p>\n Now, he added, “Putin may feel forced to react or Trump will take him to the cleaners.”<\/p>\n Too Little, Too Late?<\/strong><\/big><\/p>\n But when asked by RFE\/RL whether the recent moves by Moscow and Washington have increased the risk of a nuclear escalation, Keir Giles, an expert on the geopolitical conflict between the West and Russia, said “not at all.”<\/p>\n Giles, author of a new book called Who Will Defend Europe?, said the U.S. decision to grant Kyiv greater strike capabilities came “long after it would have had the maximum impact” and “is really not something about which Russia is going to be genuinely, legitimately concerned.”<\/p>\n Moscow “will still indulge in the performative theatrics to do with the nuclear doctrine, getting enormous value out of the changes,” Giles said. “They are milking this for all it is worth, because they get a very gratifying reaction abroad.”<\/p>\n